By Noah Rothman
Friday, December 12, 2025
Recently unsealed grand jury records helpfully flagged by
investigative journalist Michael
Weiss implicate the Russian government in the execution of hostile
cyberattacks against American civilian infrastructure.
The unredacted portions of the charging documents detail an operation that came online in
March 2022, less than one month after Moscow embarked on its second invasion of
Ukraine. It culminated in botnet attacks on U.S. government websites and those
of its allies and partners, efforts to cripple American utilities providers and
undermine the integrity of the 2024 elections, and the disruption of operations
of American food distributors.
In its most dangerous forms, the Russian campaign took
aim at American public health, sanitation, energy, and food security. Alleged
Russian assets meddled with Pennsylvania landfills, risking “parasitic acid
contamination.” The agents attacked Oklahoma oil fields, Colorado oil and gas
companies, and public water systems in Texas. Over “two thousand pounds of
meat” were despoiled by an attack that shut off the refrigeration and triggered
an ammonia leak at a meat-packing facility. (In Europe, the hackers even
targeted a Dutch children’s water park, “tampering with temperature and other
control settings including chlorination levels.”)
These are hardly the first cyberattacks on U.S. civilian
interests directed by assets with direct links to Russian military
intelligence. Moscow has been implicated in similar attacks long before the West united
in opposition to Russia following its 2022 attempt to subsume Ukraine into the
Russian Federation — a detail that will frustrate efforts by Russia’s reflexive
apologists to blame the targets of Russia’s hostile actions for their own torment.
But this revelation presents a unique challenge to the president and those in
his orbit who would answer Russian aggression with appeasement.
Can there be an “America First” agenda worthy of the name
that dismisses an aggressive action against American civilians by a hostile
foreign power? Does a movement ostensibly dedicated to “making America great
again” deserve the public’s confidence if it turns a blind eye toward such
naked and reckless aggression?
The United States has not and still does not recognize the legitimacy of territorial expansionism through force or
coercion, although the administration is working hard to sacrifice that
noble posture. Would the president and his movement excuse Russian aggression
against the homeland merely because the U.S. observed the very policy it has
maintained since the end of the Second World War, accusing Americans of
inviting their own harassment only because they were properly revulsed by
Vladimir Putin’s irredentism? That wouldn’t just be a politically suicidal
impulse — it would be an abdication of the American president’s foremost duty
to the public.
Russia is not America’s most powerful adversary. It’s not
even our most malevolent adversary. But it is America’s most reckless
enemy. That is what makes Moscow the most acute threat to the geostrategic
status quo.
The practitioners of statecraft around the president seem
to be perplexed by this, but it’s entirely unclear why. The Kremlin is
heedless. It takes unnecessary risks. The strategies that are cooked up in
Putin’s halls of power are inscrutable outside them, and it often seems like
Russian war planners engage in regular failures of imagination. That’s an
exquisitely dangerous situation.
Big wars can happen by virtue of inertia alone. A
miscalculation on the Russians’ part could compel the West to respond — and
that response could compel Moscow to engage in its own escalation. Even if that
sequence of events is perfunctory, calculated, and designed to save face, it
can still culminate in a cascading series of retaliations and reprisals that
risk taking on a logic all their own.
Containing and deterring Russian aggression has never
been an easy job. And yet Moscow has historically responded in predictable ways
to credible threats backed by the presence of overwhelming, tangible assets
tasked with executing those threats. When Russia behaves as it is behaving, it
is not deterred. Until deterrence is restored, the threat to U.S. security
represented by its most heedless near-peer competitor will continue to grow.
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