By Christian Schneider
Thursday, December 11, 2025
In August 2011, near the steps of the Wisconsin Capitol,
congressional candidate Kelda Roys stood atop a flatbed truck and addressed the
attendees at a gay pride parade. Roys, now a state senator and candidate for
Wisconsin governor, pressed the need for marriage equality and told the
onlookers that because of Wisconsin’s ban on same-sex weddings, she herself had to flee to the gay-marriage-friendly state
of Iowa to marry her “partner.”
Roys never mentioned that her “partner” was, in fact, a
man, whom she had married in 2010. But she was running for Congress against
Mark Pocan, an openly gay man, who succeeded Tammy Baldwin, an openly gay
woman. In the heavily progressive Madison-area congressional district, being
gay wasn’t something to hide; it was a résumé-builder. And Roys clearly found
her résumé lacking.
“She was clearly trying to represent herself as a member
of the LGBT community,” Katie Belanger, executive director of Fair Wisconsin,
the state’s most visible LGBT rights organization, told me at the time. “That’s what happens when you start
making a political calculation in order to help yourself instead of working for
the common good,” said Belanger.
But Roys took this ill-conceived gamble because she had
an incentive to do so. When benefits are handed down based on immutable
characteristics, like sexual orientation, you’re going to find more people
claiming to have those characteristics.
Consider reporter Rose Horowitch’s stunning story at The Atlantic last week, in which she noted the high number of students
at prestigious universities today who seek to be considered “disabled” so they
can obtain “accommodations” in the classroom. Horowitch notes that 20 percent
of the students at both Brown and Harvard are deemed disabled.
Clearly, this cohort of kids and their parents have
figured out how to game the system to receive advantages such as flexible
deadlines for turning in work, missing classes without penalty, and being given
extra time to take exams. Claim you have some sort of learning disability, and
the school will typically grant you an exception rather than fight your parents
over the special treatment. (For one kid at a California school, that
accommodation meant bringing the student’s mother to class.)
Some argue that the increase in mental-health-related
diagnoses — ADHD, anxiety, depression — is a step forward, as health experts
are more accurately diagnosing problems that previous generations had to
struggle with on their own. If this were the case, though, we would expect to
see similar disability rates among students at two-year colleges. Yet, as
Horowitch notes, only 3 to 4 percent of students at two-year colleges receive
accommodations, and over half of four-year students magically develop these learning
disabilities after they arrive at school. (In reality, students who attend
two-year schools are much more likely to have learning disabilities, which
keeps many of them from getting the grades necessary to attend a four-year
college.)
Few people would disagree that students with legitimate
disabilities deserve special accommodations to complete their school work. But
again, the stigma of being labeled “disabled” pales against the desire to have
a special advantage in the classroom.
Once again, the incentive is backward.
As Milton Friedman famously said, the greatest mistake we
can make is to judge policies and programs “by their intentions rather than
their results.” And yet, more often than not, our lawmakers celebrate inputs
and ignore potential outputs. They imagine citizens not as dynamic individuals
who will change their behavior in response to changes in the law but as
cardboard cutouts who will dutifully act without considering their own
self-interest.
And those self-interests are determined by the incentives
given to people to pursue them. When university professors know they can move
up more quickly in their profession by claiming to be members of minority
groups, you get Elizabeth Warren pitching her family recipe for “pow wow chow.” When progressives promote homeownership by
supercharging Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, people with poor credit are
incentivized to buy homes that are well beyond their means, collapsing the
economy. When “wealth taxes” are implemented, wealthy (and thus more mobile)
taxpayers simply move their assets to lower-taxed areas.
“Unintended” consequences are only unintended for
lawmakers with a lack of imagination.
Yet it seems to shock everyone when citizens react to a
new government program in a way that is entirely predictable. Americans
recently learned that a band of Minnesota-based Somali immigrants had raided a government fund meant to feed hungry children
during the Covid-19 pandemic. These criminal pockets made off with more than a
billion dollars to pay for luxurious homes and travel, yet it went on for years
under the blind eye of Governor Tim Walz.
The Somali racket is a case of double incentives at work;
when governments set up giant programs with little oversight, they effectively
set up a bank with a “Rob Us, No Weapons Needed” sign out front. When the
government distributes money to feed students, it is remarkable how many
fictitious hungry students suddenly appear.
There were incentives at work on the part of Minnesota
state investigators as well. Much of the fraud took place after the death of
Minneapolis man George Floyd at the hands of police, so state agents were
afraid to target the predominantly black Somali community, lest they receive
blowback for racial insensitivity.
So when criminals are incentivized to steal, and law
enforcement is incentivized to look the other way, taxpayers are left to watch
a billion dollars of their money walk out the door.
Nobody wants to think their personal behavior can be
reduced to a menu of incentives, but acting in our own self-interest is how we
survive. Of course, people often act outside of their own interests, but that
is because feeling good about helping others or giving to charity is an
incentive in itself.
Whether it is society granting benefits to people with
certain characteristics or governments granting benefits to preferred groups,
it would help to game things out. Subsidizing an activity only creates more of
it, just as making it more expensive guarantees less of it.
Policymakers can give as many speeches as they want about
fairness and justice. Still, until they start crafting laws that account for
human nature rather than ignore it, we’ll keep getting more of exactly what
we’re paying for. And if history is any guide, the only incentive Washington
ever seems to understand is the one that involves a camera pointed at them —
which is why, when it comes to unintended consequences, Congress remains our
most reliable repeat customer. After all, if the incentives weren’t broken,
they’d have fixed them already . . . and then what would they campaign on?
No comments:
Post a Comment