By David French
Tuesday, March 27, 2018
It’s become popular on the left — thanks in part to a
widely-shared Washington Post op-ed
by Adam Weinstein — to scorn so-called “gunsplaining.” Weinstein defines the
term as the habit of gun-rights advocates to “bully” gun-control supporters
with technical jargon. Think the “AR” in AR-15 stands for “assault rifle”? Then
you’re too dumb to talk about gun policy. Did you confuse a magazine and a
clip? Then you’re too ignorant to talk about background checks.
There’s a kernel of truth in Weinstein’s critique. There
are gun-rights supporters who revel in jargon and belittle those with inferior
knowledge, but the problem of “gunsplaining” pales in comparison to the
mass-scale ignorance of the gun-control movement and — critically — the
mainstream media. It’s an ignorance that contributes to bad policy proposals
and threatens constitutional rights. It’s an ignorance that has the potential
to empower criminals while rendering law-abiding citizens more vulnerable to
foreseeable threats.
This ignorance manifests itself in multiple ways. First,
it’s common to see activists and marchers consistently say things that just
aren’t true. You could see examples of this all over the March for Our Lives
this weekend. Signs said ridiculous things like, “It was harder to buy this
poster board than an AR-15” and “I want to live in a world where guns are
harder to get than Hamilton tickets.”
People routinely pretended that gun sales are virtually unregulated or that
even “machine guns” are somehow easy to purchase.
Second, they’ll advocate “solutions” that won’t make a
dime’s worth of difference to mass shootings or to gun violence more broadly.
Our nation’s gun-violence problem is highly concentrated in a small percentage
of the American population: people with prior criminal records who largely
obtain and possess their guns unlawfully. Even if you focus on mass shootings —
as a famous Washington Post
fact-check noted — various “common sense” gun-control proposals would not have
prevented a single modern massacre.
Third, the proposed solutions betray an extraordinary
ignorance of the realities of gun ownership. Let’s take, for example, the
common proposal to ban “high-capacity magazines.” That’s often defined to mean
any magazine capable of holding more than ten rounds of ammunition. In reality,
though, a ban on ten-round magazines is a ban on the standard-capacity magazine in tens of millions of guns that
Americans use for self-defense. I often carry a Ruger SR9, and it came with a
17-round magazine. Dozens of other popular guns also come with magazines of
similar sizes. Police carry guns with similar magazines, and — critically —
criminals often do as well.
Activists can play funny games with language. The phrase
“high-capacity magazine” implies something unusual, something you don’t
normally see — like, say, a drum magazine on an AR-15. In reality, given the
definition, they’re purporting to ban the norm. They’re telling law-abiding
citizens that they should have less firepower than the very criminals who
present the reasonably foreseeable threat.
And why should law-abiding Americans have less firepower
than criminals? Because — and this is where the gun-control movement truly
loses its authority — they say we don’t “need” anything more than ten rounds to
defend ourselves. That’s right, the very people who time and again demonstrate
their profound ignorance about firearms purport to tell law-abiding, gun-owning
American citizens — who possess far superior knowledge — exactly what they
“need” to keep their families safe. It’s extraordinary. I’d rather take my
self-defense advice from actual
experts than from politicians and activists who don’t know what they’re
talking about.
In an insightful piece for the New York Times today, Margot Sanger-Katz writes that “Political
consultants who have worked on ballot measures say that it can often be easy
for opponents of gun laws to chip away at very strong initial public support
for a given policy.” She talked to David Farmer, who helped lead a failed Maine
effort to impose universal background checks. He attributed the loss to gun
owners’ ability to persuade:
“We know for a fact we lost the
argument at the kitchen table and the bar and the bowling alley,” he said. “The
gun enthusiasts were talking to their friends and relatives and neighbors. They
felt about it in a way that was so passionate that they won those one-on-one
encounters, and they were very successful in bringing in people to their side.”
Gun-owners aren’t just enthusiastic, they’re informed.
Current gun-control proposals can sound interesting and compelling — until you
hear that they’re likely ineffective, or especially if you hear that they would
burden your own right of self-defense.
The media’s persistent and enduring gun ignorance is
mystifying — as is its seeming willingness to actively mock or scorn actual
expertise. Imagine if pro-life citizens wanted to limit abortions by banning or
heavily regulating the instruments used to kill unborn children. Would
counter-arguments that the regulations would adversely affect other,
life-saving procedures be scorned as “devicesplaining”?
One gets the impression that all too many members of the
media and all too many activists don’t want
to know anything more about guns. They’ve made the decision they need to make —
guns are bad — and the rest is a distraction. To them, the gun-control argument
isn’t a technical argument at all. It’s fundamentally a moral argument, and in
this moral argument the actual effectiveness of any given law is less important
than its intent — or at least its ability in some way to chip away at American
gun culture.
Yet Americans don’t give away their freedoms so
willingly. And they’re especially unwilling to limit their liberties in
response to arguments based in ignorance, sprinkled with condescension and
moral superiority. So law-abiding gun-owners respond by “gunsplaining,” and
they find that when they gunsplain, they tend to win. Ignorance is a plague,
and the gun-rights community is eager to provide the cure.
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