By Noah Rothman
Tuesday, September 02, 2025
Israel’s more pathological critics cannot resist the
temptation to lie about matters large and small. Take, for example, Agnes
Callamard — a French “human rights activist” and the
secretary general of Amnesty International.
In a preemptive effort to attack the character of
skeptics, Callamard dismissed the “toxic propaganda” that she predicted would
cast into doubt an International Association of Genocide Scholars resolution
accusing the Israeli government of genocide. “An overwhelming majority of
members of the world’s leading genocide scholars’ association have backed a
resolution stating that Israel’s actions in Gaza meet the legal definition of
the crime,” she wrote. That is prima facie false.
According to one former two-term IAGS advisory board
member, Sara Brown, only about 128 of the association’s 500 or so members
participated in the vote. And there was plenty of chicanery around it, all of
which seemed designed to stifle debate.
The association dispensed with the traditional
town-hall-style virtual discussion that typically accompanies resolutions with
a political valence. In addition, the association did not publish dissenting
views on its listserv, which is also standard practice, and declined to release
the names of the resolution’s draftees. “That favors those activists who are
seeking to advance a false narrative about Israel,” Brown told the Times of Israel. “It wasn’t rushed; it was just
forced through without the usual transparency.”
The resolution itself is about as marred
as the process that produced it. To justify its claim of genocide, it cites
organizations and institutions that have already altered their definition of
what constitutes genocide — organizations like Amnesty International —
merely to brand Israel a genocidaire.
As Amnesty itself admitted at the time, the previously
agreed-upon definition of genocide represented an “overly cramped
interpretation of international jurisprudence.” So the jurisprudence had to go
— specifically, the 1948 Genocide Convention’s requirement that it must be a
deliberate and intentional act.
The analysts at Just Security gave Amnesty’s
imaginative reinterpretation of our shared reality more credit than it deserved
when it picked it apart last December. They found that Amnesty could not prove
that Israel deliberately targeted civilians (contrary to Israel’s efforts to
warn Gaza civilians in advance of attacks and disseminate written legal
warnings to IDF soldiers to comply with the laws of war) and made no attempt to
do so. It alleges genocidal “intent” from what Just Security admits are ugly
and even bigoted statements from Israeli officials about the Palestinian
population, but Amnesty could not “prove the existence of a general plan or
policy to commit genocide, which the military then acted upon.”
Indeed, Amnesty’s new criteria for establishing genocidal
intent on Israel’s part “illustrate a de facto reversal of the burden of
proof regarding intentional targeting of civilians.” In other words, Amnesty
had held Israel to a standard that no other country on earth must observe —
conduct that fits squarely within the IHRA’s working definition of antisemitism.
“As a theoretical matter, an intent to commit genocide
could be harbored by an individual. However, as a practical matter, carrying
out a genocide typically requires a collective plan or policy,” the report
observed. “We submit that the methodology used in Amnesty International’s
report is unlikely to support a finding of intentional attacks on civilians.”
The shoddy work led Just Security’s analysts to conclude that the point of this
exercise was to “maximize its public shaming effect.”
The IAGS resolution takes many of the same shortcuts
Amnesty made the most of in its headlong rush to ensure the claim that Israel
is engaged in genocide could be printed below some superficially authoritative
letterhead. It therefore suffers from all the same problems. The purpose of
this initiative was, as Brown said, to convey to the public that “genocide
experts agree” Israel is engaged in a genocidal project in Gaza. “No, we don’t,
and we were deliberately silenced,” she added.
If the point of the IAGS resolution was to generate a lot
of negative headlines for Israel, mission accomplished.
After a brief drought of stories alleging
Israel’s deliberate effort to starve the Palestinian population into submission
— an extraordinary claim that was never supported by commensurately compelling
evidence — the international press raced to uncritically republish the IAGS’s
findings.
The resolution adds to “a growing chorus from human
rights organizations and academics concluding that Israel is committing
genocide,” the Washington Post reported. “We
were very surprised at the level of consensus there was,” said association
member Emily Sample, who knew quite well that what she was retailing was not
true, even if the Post’s reporters did not. And, insofar as there is any
dissent against the IAGS’s conclusions, WaPo readers could be forgiven
for concluding that it is exclusive to Israeli nationals. Those are the only
quoted objectors, after all.
The BBC put in a rote and uninspired performance, layering the IAGS’s
report atop all the other calumnies it regularly deploys against Israel. It
sang from a familiar hymnal, citing the veracity of the “Hamas-run Ministry of
Health’s” statistics; commends the moral authority of upstanding members of the
international community, like South Africa; and it engages in Holocaust
inversion by accusing Israel of failing to properly grasp the horrors visited
on the Jewish people under Nazi rule.
The Associated Press put so much color in
its copy covering the IAGS report that it reads even more like fiction than
intended. “Airstrikes and artillery shelling have echoed through Gaza City
since Israel declared it a combat zone last week,” it read. “Another merciless
night in Gaza City,” mourned one “medic” sheltering in the city that Israel
warned people to evacuate weeks ago. The AP, too, went to bat for the Hamas
health department, whose figures are considered “the most reliable estimate of
war casualties” by U.N. agencies, some of which seem committed to Hamas’s survival.
Indeed, the IAGS report is the secondary focus of the
AP’s dispatch on the IAGS report, but it served the purpose Brown said it
would. In an appeal to her own authority, IAGS president Melanie O’Brien made
her fallacy explicit: “People who are experts in the study of genocide can see
this situation for what it is,” she said.
None of this is surprising, but it is alarming. The
degree to which those in the community of international human rights
enthusiasts are willing to sacrifice their credibility to this public relations
campaign still retains the capacity to shock. Even if those who do not need
evidence to conclude that Israel is involved in genocide in Gaza are talking
mostly to themselves, their refusal to encounter, much less engage, with
dissent will only contribute to their radicalization. On that score, it’s going
to get worse before it gets better.
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