By Noah Rothman
Thursday, June 12, 2025
American officials “have been told Israel is fully ready
to launch an operation against Iran,” CBS News correspondent Ed
O’Keefe reported Thursday. O’Keefe was hardly alone in that assessment.
“Israel appears to be preparing to launch an attack soon on Iran,” the New York Times revealed. “We are watching and worried,”
one diplomatic source in the region told the Washington Post’s reporters. “We think it’s more
serious than any other time in the past.”
U.S. officials are battening down the hatches. On
Wednesday, the Pentagon authorized the evacuation
of service members’ families from areas in the Middle East within striking
distance of Iran. Personnel at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad have also been
hastily withdrawn. Separately, the British navy warned vessels to avoid the Arabian Gulf, the
Gulf of Oman, and the Strait of Hormuz because of “increased tensions within
the region which could lead to an escalation of military activity.”
This flurry of activity comes as Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth testified that there were
“plenty of indications they have been moving their way towards something that
would look a lot like a nuclear weapon” — news that will come as a shock to Politico,
whose sources within the Trump administration’s intelligence apparatus insist
that anyone who alleges what Hegseth claimed should be dismissed a bloodthirsty warmonger.
In addition to all this, on Thursday, the International Atomic Energy Agency declared Iran in
noncompliance with its nuclear nonproliferation obligations on Thursday — an
assessment that led Tehran to insist that it has no intention of returning to
compliance. In response to the IAEA’s verdict, Tehran pledged to “accelerate
its production of near-weapons-grade uranium,” the Wall Street Journal reported, “and open a previously
unrevealed enrichment site in what he said is a secure location.”
It seems that the Trump administration’s effort to hammer
out a new nuclear deal with Iran will end in failure. Tough decisions will have
to be made. For obvious reasons, Israel will not accept a status quo in which
Iran is a threshold nuclear state. Iran has made it clear in word and deed that
it seeks the destruction of the Jewish state. It has demonstrated that it can
penetrate Israeli air defenses and deliver warheads over its cities, and the
Islamic Republic’s eschatologically millenarian worldview may render the regime
less responsive to conventional deterrent dynamics. Israel, with its 10 million
people and tiny landmass, cannot take the risk.
But what about the United States? Why should America care
if the Iranians have the bomb? After all, “Iran does not pose any credible
threat to the United States,” the Daily Wire’s Matt
Walsh posited definitively. “We do not need to get involved in yet another
war in the Middle East for reasons that have nothing to do with defending our
own nation.”
The Iranian regime does, in fact, pose
a direct threat to U.S. interests and citizens. Often through terrorist proxies, Iran is responsible for the
deaths of perhaps 1,000 U.S. service personnel in Iraq and Afghanistan. It has
engineered mass-casualty terror attacks against Americans, executed assassination
plots on U.S. soil, sponsored the agitation of anti-American activists inside the United States, and works
assiduously to destabilize a region where the United States maintains core
strategic interests.
Skeptics of an attack on Iran’s nuclear program are
reasonable to wonder why it is that a nuclear Iran cannot be deterred as
Russia, China, and even North Korea seem to be. After all, the “balance of
terror” has prevented the hostile use of nuclear force since 1945. Why is Iran
different?
For one, Iran is the foremost state sponsor of terrorism on earth. It exports terrorists
and arms throughout the region and beyond, and there are no guarantees that it
won’t play a similarly reckless game with nuclear material. At minimum, the
terrorist elements in Iran’s orbit would be emboldened by Iran’s new nuclear
might. Their numbers would surely grow, as would their willingness to court
risk.
Iran maintains the largest arsenal of ballistic missiles
in the region. It can certainly deliver a warhead to targets inside the Middle East, and
it’s fast-tracking the development of space-launch vehicles that can threaten the U.S. mainland.
Even if Tehran were a rational actor that could be reliably deterred, an
acknowledged Iranian bomb would kick-start a race toward nuclear proliferation
in the region. The Saudis, the Turks, the Egyptians, and others would probably
be compelled to seek their own nuclear deterrents, leading to an infinitely
more complex security environment.
In the meantime, Iran would be able to blackmail the
West, allowing it to occasionally choke off the trade and energy exports that
transit the Persian Gulf and to engage in far more reckless acts of
international terrorism. At the very least, a nuclear Iran would compel the
U.S. to devote more resources to the region and augment its forces in the
Middle East — probably at the behest of our rattled regional partners.
The outcomes that would follow an Iranian breakout range
from bad to unimaginably catastrophic. Taking proactive measures to ensure that
the United States never has to confront them is the bare minimum we should
expect from a competent steward of U.S. interests. The Iranian regime must know
that it will face existential consequences if it continues on its present
course.
Indeed, as indicated by the regime’s responses to the
U.S. strikes on its naval assets in 1988 and the 2020 operation that
neutralized Qasem Soleimani, regime survival often takes precedence over Iran’s
narrower military goals when it is confronted with the prospect of a general
war with the United States. On those two occasions, the regime chose to
de-escalate, albeit amid superficial and face-saving displays of aggression.
It’s possible that a similar sequence of events could
follow an Israeli strike on the Iranian nuclear program — particularly if it’s
an operation in which the United States takes a supporting role. Iranian
retaliation might be measured with the understanding that if it’s not properly
calibrated, the U.S. and Israel could begin taking out Iranian
command-and-control targets next. If the symbols of the regime begin crumbling,
the oppressed Iranian people might find the courage to finish the job. If
there’s anything the mullahs fear more than the U.S. military, it’s their own
citizens.
That may be an optimistic scenario, but it’s not
unlikely. Even if an operation targeting Iranian nuclear sites leads Tehran to
miscalculate itself into a larger regional conflict, it’s one the West knows
how to fight. A world in which Iran acts with impunity while hiding behind its
nuclear arsenal would be a more dangerous world that leaves Washington in
uncharted territory. All we can predict is that the new status quo in the
Middle East would leave the U.S. with fewer resources and options to confront
the growing challenges to its interests in Europe and the Western Pacific.
There will be those who will insist that the U.S. support
for, or even participation in, an Israeli operation against Iran’s nuclear
facilities is a hijacking of U.S. foreign policy — a by-product of the Jewish
State’s mesmeric hold over Washington. Nothing could be further from the truth.
The United States is directly threatened by the Islamic Republic. It has been
since its inception in 1979. We cannot tolerate an atomic Iran, and we have
spent the past decade doing everything possible to avoid a military
confrontation over Tehran’s nuclear program. Iran summoned the whirlwind it’s
about to reap. Don’t let it try to tell you otherwise.
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