By Bryan A. Garner
Thursday, May 15, 2025
Given the moniker that accompanies this column, I deal
more with the English language generally than with legal interpretation. But I
did spend the better part of a decade collaborating closely with Justice
Antonin Scalia on Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts, a
608-page textbook on legal interpretation. So let’s flesh out the subject
introduced last time: the difference between textualism (an approach to legal
interpretation generally) and originalism (a subset of textualism dealing with
an important aspect of understanding historical texts). Originalism simply
posits that words and provisions in a legal document should be interpreted as
they would have been understood at the time of adoption.
Both in the popular press and in legal commentary, one
constantly encounters misconceptions about originalism — misconceptions that
need to be dispelled. The views here expressed are those I developed with my
late co-author in our collaborative work.
1. The
false notion that originalism is new.
Some observers confuse the concept of originalism with
the word originalism — fallaciously concluding that the concept, like
the word, dates from the 1980s. Professor Garrett Epps, for example, writes in The
Atlantic that originalism was born “in 1985 [when] Ronald Reagan’s attorney
general at the time, Edwin Meese, elevated originalism to a legal and political
movement.” It’s true that the word originalism didn’t come around until
the 1980s, but that’s akin to saying that natural turf didn’t exist
until the 1920s.
Both terms are “retronyms,” devised to denote what used
to be an entire genus but has since become merely one species of the genus. Natural
turf wasn’t needed until the invention of artificial turf in the late
1920s, and originalism wasn’t needed until “dynamic interpretation” and
“living constitutionalism” emerged, inviting judges to update texts through
newfangled readings instead of applying the text as written and traditionally
understood.
The idea behind originalism is as old as interpretation
itself. In fact, the earliest statute on legal interpretation, from Scotland in
1427, made it a crime punishable at the king’s will to “interpreit . . .
statutes wrangeouslie” or “utherwaies than the statute beares, and to the
intent and effect, that they were maid for, and as the maker of them
understoode.”
2. The
false notion that originalism isn’t what the authors of the Constitution
intended.
Those who dislike originalism sometimes say that the
Constitution itself doesn’t specify that its provisions are to be understood as
they were at the time of the Founding. That’s true. Nor do Shakespeare’s plays
come with an admonition to read them through the lens of Elizabethan English.
How odd if they did!
Fortunately, some 18th- and early 19th-century legal
theorists did think to state what is essentially a truism. The influential
Emmerich de Vattel, the Swiss author of The Law of Nations (1758), a
book that greatly influenced the Founding Fathers, wrote: “Languages vary
incessantly, and the signification and force of words change with time. When an
antient act is to be interpreted, we should then know the common use of the
terms at the time when it was written.”
William Blackstone, in his Commentaries on the Laws of
England (1765–1768), wrote to the same effect. So did Justice James
Iredell, Chief Justice John Marshall, and James Madison. Madison wrote that if
“the sense in which the Constitution was accepted and ratified by the Nation . .
. be not the guide in expounding it, there can be no security for . . . a
faithful exercise of its powers.”
3. The
false notion that originalism is exclusively about constitutional
interpretation, not other types of legal documents.
Those who denigrate originalism tend to equate it
exclusively with constitutional interpretation. For example, Justice Stephen
Breyer recently published a book, Reading the Constitution: Why I Chose
Pragmatism, Not Textualism, that amounts to a response to our Reading
Law. Breyer confuses originalism by suggesting that it’s unique to
constitutional interpretation. This assertion ignores the idea that the
language of all texts must be understood according to what it meant when it was
written.
As we’ve already seen, historical understanding has
always been thought to apply to statutes as well as to the Constitution. That’s
why the Court frequently refers to the meaning that statutes had at the time of
their enactment. In Helvering v. Janney (1940), Chief Justice Charles
Evans Hughes referred to “the meaning of the provision of the Revenue Act of
1934 when it was enacted,” adding that this meaning “was subject to change only
by Congress.”
The idea has been variously phrased. In Perrin v. U.S.
(1979), Chief Justice Warren Burger wrote: “A fundamental canon of statutory
construction is that, unless otherwise defined, words will be interpreted as
taking their ordinary, contemporary, common meaning . . . at the time Congress
enacted the statute.”
That’s originalism, plain and simple. It also applies to
contracts, wills, and other documents from generations ago.
4. The
false notion that a historical text like the Constitution can’t be meaningfully
applied to modern-day life.
Polemicists seeking to diminish the importance of the
Constitution like to say that it’s an 18th-century document written by dead
white men (they were geniuses, by the way) who had never heard of nuclear
weapons or the internet. They ignore that it’s a foundational document setting
forth some broad requirements for our polity — not least of which is the
all-important separation of powers, as crucial today as it ever was.
The Constitution’s wide-ranging phrases such as unreasonable
searches and seizures and cruel and unusual punishments can be and
have been applied to technology unknown when the operative words took effect.
The federal courts apply these types of phrases every day to things previously
unknown. There’s nothing extraordinary about that.
5. The
false notion that the Constitution should be “living” (that is, changing year
by year).
The basic idea has always been that a legal text should
have a stable, enduring meaning — not a meaning that morphs unpredictably
through time. Daniel Webster, the greatest American lawyer of the 19th century,
said that “we must take the meaning of the Constitution as it has been solemnly
fixed.” That was not just the prevalent notion in his day, but the only notion
of which any contemporaneous trace can be found.
This idea has been seriously undermined over time.
Destabilizers like the theorist Hans-Georg Gadamer did what they could to chip
away at tradition. In 1960, he wrote: “A law does not exist in order to be
understood historically,” but instead “if it is to be understood properly —
i.e., according to the claim it makes — it must be understood at every moment,
in every concrete situation, in a new and different way.” What fun.
That view aligns with Justice Breyer’s “pragmatism.”
Seeing legal texts as relatively fluid and pliable, the pragmatic judge
maintains an unstructured interpretive philosophy, relying on desirable
consequences, values, abstract purpose, and ultimately (Breyer’s words)
“judicial instinct.” That, in the end, is how new constitutional rights can be
found in a text where no hint of them exists. And as we’ll see next time, it
can lead to distortions on both the left and the right.
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