National Review Online
Thursday, June 05, 2025
Democrats say that Republicans are proposing steep cuts
and fundamental changes to Medicaid. We wish. The reality is that the House
Republicans passed a modest series of tweaks to the program that won’t do much
to alter its spending trajectory.
Washington is currently engaged in a semantic debate over
whether those tweaks amount to a Medicaid “cut,” which President Trump has said
he opposes. More important is what the legislation would actually do.
Its main thrust on Medicaid is to adopt good-government
measures that save money, rather than try again to repeal the Obamacare
Medicaid expansion.
For instance, federal dollars are not supposed to finance
Medicaid benefits to illegal immigrants, yet 14 states and the District of
Columbia cover them anyway. The bill would have the federal government send
less Medicaid money to those states in order to discourage the practice, or at
least ensure that taxpayers in the other 36 states do not foot the bill.
Republicans would also impose a new requirement that states obtain addresses
from Medicaid enrollees, a bare minimum for stopping fraud. In 2012, the
Supreme Court ruled that states were free to decide whether to take part in
Obamacare’s expansion of Medicaid. The 2021 Biden stimulus bill provided
additional financial incentives to the holdout states. Republicans would
eliminate those. They would also make able-bodied adults work for at least 20
hours a week to receive benefits.
An additional measure would affect the ability of states
to tax providers (such as hospitals and nursing homes). This is a scam by the
states: They “tax” the providers, raise their health spending (which largely
goes to the providers), and draw additional federal dollars for making this
on-paper contribution to health care. The Republican bill wouldn’t eliminate
the taxes, but would limit their abuse.
Taken together, these and other changes would reduce
Medicaid spending by about $723 billion over the next decade, according to the Congressional Budget
Office, and mean that 7.6 million fewer individuals will be insured in 2034
than otherwise. But these numbers deserve some context.
To start with, over roughly the past decade, thanks
largely to Obamacare, Medicaid rolls have swelled by a staggering 22 million
people, to over 78 million (that’s more than double the 37 million Americans living in
poverty). This increase has largely been driven by able-bodied adults receiving
benefits. Under current law, the federal government will spend about $8.6
trillion on Medicaid over the next decade. Under the Republican bill, Medicaid
spending will still grow, and Washington would still allocate $7.9 trillion to
the program.
Additionally, CBO has long said its estimates on the
effects of changes to Medicaid involve a high degree of uncertainty, because
their analysts cannot predict how states will respond to various changes. For
instance, states have the ability to respond to limits on provider taxes by
cutting spending elsewhere.
Elon Musk, after exiting DOGE, came out against the
reconciliation bill, calling it “a disgusting abomination” because it does not
grapple with the federal debt. On Wednesday, CBO projected that the bill would create $2.4 trillion in deficits, with $1.3
trillion in spending cuts too modest to offset the $3.7 trillion in anticipated
revenue reductions.
With the public debt set to eclipse the next year’s
entire economic output and on track to continue swelling, Musk is right to
raise the alarm, but his experience with DOGE — as with Republicans’ modest
tweaks to Medicaid — shows that there is no way for policymakers to get the
debt under control with just a few tweaks to waste here and there.
Not until Republicans are ready and willing to make
serious changes to entitlements, starting with structural reform of Medicaid
and adding Medicare and Social Security to the mix, can a fiscal crisis be
averted.
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